VIII. THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION AND ITS AFTERMATH (1775-1799)
On the eve of the Revolution, the Bakerton area contained significant agricultural and industrial resources that would be valuable to the war effort. Several families, including the Engles, Molers, Stroops, and Buckles, had substantial farms, and the local grist mills were capable of supplying flour and meal to more populous neighboring areas. Both the Orebank and Keep Triste Furnace were probably active during this period, serving as a potential source of iron for the manufacture of cannon, shot, and muskets. Plans had been formulated by several large land owners to improve navigation on the Potomac so that the vast resources of the area could be tapped.
On July 15, 1775, Adam Stephen's Company set out from Shepherdstown for Cambridge, Massachusetts.1 The sympathies of many area residents are not known, but several of the substantial farmers strongly favored the rebels. Philip Engle [3], Henry Stroop, and William Lucas sold wheat to the State of Virginia during the Revolution. Adam Moler [4] (son of George Adam Moler [1]); Philip [3], Michael [4], John [5], and William Engle [6] (sons of Melchior Engle); James [3], Robert [5], and William Buckles [4] (sons of Robert Buckles [1]); and Basil, Edward, Job, and William Lucas (sons of Edward Lucas) served as soldiers during the Revolution. Some members of the Duke family also lived in the area, and Francis, George, James, John, and Matthew Duke all served during the war. George Reynolds, who later operated at grist mill and quarry at River Bend, also enlisted. William Donnelly, possibly from the Moler's Crossroads area, was a member of Captain Shepherd's Company. Those who died while in the service include William [6] and Michael Engle [4], Francis and George Duke, and William Donnelly.2
While the war was in progress, the daily operation of Keep Triste furnace must have been in the hands of Francis Hamilton, who had managed the furnace and the adjoining farm while John Semple was alive. Francis was joined briefly by his brother Alexander when the latter's failure to actively support the Revolution made him unpopular in Prince George's County. Although Francis' political stance during the Revolution is not known, both brothers had a personal interest in keeping the furnace operating. The furnace had the potential of turning a profit by producing munitions, and the Hamilton brothers were sons of Semple's Scottish creditor (John Hamilton) and executors of Semple's estate.3
The control of the Keep Triste patent lands in Maryland was initially also in the domain of Francis Hamilton. However, a contemporary source states that, after the war, "Mr. Hamilton's authority became weaker by degrees as he had not received fresh powers from the immediate representatives of Mr. Semple and his inability to pay taxes from the security rents ... encouraged the tenants to undertake the payment of those taxes and to assume independence."4
Hamilton's inability to maintain control of the Keep Triste Patent and its natural resources was to profoundly affect not only the settlement of this area but also the raw materials available to the Armory and other local industries. Recalling the Elk Ridge area at the time of Semple's death and the subsequent changes, John Ritchie, part owner of the operation started by Ross and company, observed:
The lands and even the rocks at that time were clothed with a beautiful growth of timber. There was no one to protect it, [and] it naturally invited depradation. In a few years, settlers not of the highest reputation for worth or industry possessed themselves of the most eligible spots for building and by saplings and rails laid in form of a worm fence one rail high they included in the magic lines the timber they devoted to destruction. This formal enclosure was called their improvement, for which they contended with younger settlers before the neighbouring magistrates. They built comfortable accommodations and made their livelihood by the sale of bark and timber. When they had made some advances in clearing, a more respectable set of men came forward and purchased of those settlers and became farmers. The present tenants [1804] are chiefly of this latter class, men who have paid for their improvements and are making a living by honest industry. I said chiefly of this class because there are still on the land men who [live] but by the sale of timber and bark.5
Ritchie's observations suggest that industry and settlement were expanding rapidly in the years following the Revolution. The large amounts of timber being consumed indicate that local milling, smelting, charcoal making, and lime burning operations had become firmly established. The bark being sold was probably used for tanning.
Related industries, such as raising cattle for meat and hides and raising horses and mules for draft animals may have also grown in importance.
The increase in land speculation at the close of the Revolution was due, in part, to the curtailment of foreign trade when ties were cut with Britain.6 Money that would have normally been invested abroad was used to buy land, and speculators sought both private and public funds to make improvements that would increase the resale value of their land and produce a handsome profit. The efforts of Semple, Ballendine, Washington, and others to improve navigation on the Potomac River were based on the belief that, once navigational problems were overcome, the river could become the major commercial route to the West. This improvement would, in turn, make the lands they owned near the Potomac River more valuable.
As a result of the efforts of Washington and his colleagues, land speculation increased along the Potomac River in the 1790's. Chief among the speculators in the Bakerton area during this period was Light-Horse Harry Lee, a war hero and the father of Robert E. Lee, but a poor businessman.7 The Semple estate was a prime target for Lee's speculations.
The breakup of Semple's holdings began after Chancery Court in 1786 authorized the foreclosure of the mortgage held by Philip Ludwell Lee. By this time, Lee had died and the property was in the hands of Henry and Ludwell Lee. Friend's Orebank, Keep Triste Furnace, and Semple's other Virginia holdings were purchased at auction by Richard Bland Lee in 1788, who then conveyed title to Henry and Ludwell Lee.8 The Lees' acquisitions included approximately 2,000 acres in eastern Jefferson County, a tract of land at Great Falls, and a nearby iron ore bank.
Some time before Henry Lee acquired this land, he made the acquaintance of John Potts, Jr., a member of the family that founded Pottstown, Pennsylvania. Both men had a mutual friend, a merchant in Alexandria named William Wilson, and both were subscribers to the Patowmack Company that was chartered in 1785.9 It was probably through these associations that Potts established himself as a merchant in Alexandria and became involved with Lee in a series of land speculation and development schemes that included the Keep Triste Furnace.
Potts maintained his connections with his family in the Philadelphia area, particularly his cousin Robert E. Hobart, who was active in developing the family's iron and copper mines and grist mills in Pennsylvania. By the time Potts opened his office in Alexandria in 1788, he had been able to have Hobart locate a millwright and other skilled craftsmen needed to built a mill and a forge at Great Falls. Potts and Wilson probably obtained the Great Falls property through a long-term lease with Lee.
A short time later, the two Alexandria merchants were able to buy and lease several parts of the Keep Triste Furnace land.10 Wilson and Potts obtained from Lee "three acres of land upon the river Potomack with three quarters of an acre front on said river including the Keeptriste Furnace," 20 acres of adjoining meadow ground, 20 acres of high ground, "also one acre of ground near the old mill dam including a mill seat, with a full, undisturbed, adequate and exclusive use of the water for the said iron works now or hereafter to be erected, and mill, together with land for a race from said mill dam by the said mill and furnace or other works to be erected."11
Lee also appropriated three acres of Friend's Ore Bank for their use at the rate of one shilling eleven pence per ton of ore mined and gave them a long-term lease of 200 acres nearby that could be used for farming. If the 3-acre ore tract ever became exhausted, Lee agreed to sell them ore from other parts of the ore bank at the same price. Potts and Wilson on their part agreed to "complete the said furnace as soon as possible, to preserve it in use, and to work the ore of Friend's Ore Bank entirely excepting a small proportion which may be necessary for castings..."
This description of the Keep Triste Furnace area contains several references to the location and condition of the mill and iron works which are further described in later correspondence between Potts and Hobart. First, as mentioned in the previous chapter, the original furnace appears to have been located on the Potomac River just above Elk Run rather than on Elk Run itself. Second, a mill seems to have existed a short distance up Elk Run and to have been destroyed or in ruins by 1788. Third, Potts and Wilson intended to build another mill and a furnace on Elk Run near the site of the original mill. In addition, Lee seems to have been worried about Potts and Wilson buying iron ore from competitors. (Ross and Company owned the Maryland Orebank across the river from Keep Triste Furnace.) Finally, the ore from Friend's Ore Bank was apparently not suitable for some kinds of castings.12
Shortly after this business arrangement was concluded with Lee, Potts and Wilson decided to form a partnership to develop and operate the Keep Triste Furnace. By the spring of 1789, Hobart had agreed to become a partner and George North, a Pennsylvanian ironmaster, had been found to manage the furnace. North was to receive 100 Pounds Pennsylvania currency per year, provisions for his family, and two horses fed at the company's expense. The formal partnership agreement between Potts, Wilson, Hobart, and North was signed on January 1, 1790. A few months earlier, the four men had acquired an additional 221 acres from Lee; this deed appears to contain some of the land Potts and Wilson had purchased from Lee one year before. In 1790, Lee transferred title to the 100-acre Friend's Ore Bank to Wilson as security until his other debts to Wilson were paid. The men obtained a 230-acre tract of land from Gersham Keys which the partners intended to use as a source of wood. They also sublet 223 acres from Francis Hamilton which the latter claimed under a 50-year lease from Lee.13 Wilson and colleagues operated the furnace during the next decade, using ore obtained from Friend's Orebank. The stone house on the hill above the furnace was probably built during this period.
The work of rebuilding the Keep Triste Furnace operation was begun by North in the spring of 1790. One millwright, two stone masons, and numerous laborers worked through the summer and fall getting the place in shape. By November of that year, a new furnace and blacksmith's shop had been erected, the old "coal house" had been torn down and a new one built, and the furnace stack had been repaired.14 Construction work seems to have continued through 1791, and the first batch of charcoal was probably burned the following spring. During this period and throughout the operation of the furnace by the partners, a substantial part of the supplies and skilled labor were obtained by John Potts from Hobart in Philadelphia.15
The new Keep Triste Furnace had been in blast at least twice by the fall of 1792, when Potts reported to his Philadelphia partner that North had built a house over the water wheel so that he could continue his operation through the winter.16 By this time, Keep Triste Furnace appears to have become a substantial operation that included a working farm, a new barn, and a functional grist mill. The inventory of the Keep Triste property made at the beginning of 1793 suggests that the operation may have employed as many as 50 people.17 The company store, which seems to have served more than just the workers, included 37,000 pounds of meat (enough to feed 100 laborers for 6 months). No mention is made throughout the correspondence to the use or ownership of slaves. The company did provide blankets and axes for the wood cutters and their predecessor, John Semple, is known to have used slave labor for cutting wood and making charcoal at this location. At the same time, some members of the Potts family appear to have been Quakers, and the owners of the furnace might have found other workers to perform these tasks.
The year of 1793 seems to have been a productive one for the company, for the inventory of tools and provisions in January 1794 had increased and included 85 tons of pig iron, 150 cords of wood, 200 loads of charcoal, and stove plates, ovens, and various other castings. Bills for raising the mine as well as mining tools and carts appear on the inventory for the first time and indicate that pit mines were opened at Friend's Orebank in 1793. The Patowmack Company appears to have made substantial progress in improving navigation at Houses' Falls and Shenandoah Falls, and boats were used to move the ore downriver to the furnace.18
Some time during 1793, George North discovered another source of mineral wealth ¾ marble. Samples were sent to Potts in Alexandria and then forwarded to Hobart in Philadelphia for examination. In the spring of 1794, Hobart enthusiastically answered Potts' query, noting
I have had the Keeptryste marble polished by a stonecutter of eminence who pronounced it to be as good as any man need set his eyes on and it really appears very fine and beautiful and has been very generally admired. If it could be got round it would meet with a good market at Pottsgrove in particular. The stonecutter thinks it would be well to open the quarry as probably as much might be disposed of at present as would defray the expense and then the best of the stone would be ready against the demand as the Federal City should require a large supply.19
The exact site of this marble deposit is not known, although it was probably located near the mining operation on Friend's Orebank. The land approximately one mile north of the orebank contained marble that, according to tradition, was quarried and shipped to George Town for use in Federal buildings. However, this site, later known as Knott's quarry, was not owned by either Lee or the operators of Keep Triste Furnace at that time. Wherever it came from, "Keeptryste marble" became a frequent topic of discussion between Potts and Hobart, and several finished marble chimney pieces were eventually shipped to Potts via Philadelphia.20 Despite the keen interest in this resource, the marble deposit does not seem to have been worked extensively while Potts was associated with Keep Triste Furnace.
The activities of Great Britain in the West Indies in 1794 and their seizure of neutral American vessels put merchants like Potts and Wilson in a precarious position, for many of their goods were often aboard vessels and would have been subject to search and confiscation. The dangerous condition on the seas plus the threat of an embargo encouraged the partners to put additional effort into mining and processing local resources. Writing to Hobart in April 1794, Potts remarked that
I shall be among the number ready to embark in a war tho' it would be peculiarly injurious to my business at this time & also diminsh the value of property I have in vessels at least one half tho' at the same time the iron concern could I think receive benefit.... If war is the result & commerce will cease, of course we must search after some other hopes & penetrate the bowels of the earth in quest of something to live on when the usual sources fail to supply it.21
Despite the institution of an embargo in April 1794, the hopes of Potts and his associates were raised by Congress' decision to order Alexandria and several other places fortified against invasion and a quantity of cannon and shot produced for the defense of these sites. Although Potts noted that cannon could not be made at Keep Triste Furnace "on account of the rocky bottom of the pig bed," he believed the operation could supply the government with shot, bomb shells, and grenades. Potts' hopes were short-lived, for Keep Triste was substantially underbid by the "Jersey furnace" and John Rutter & Co. of Pennsylvania. At the same time, the iron business in general appeared to be thriving, for Potts was trying to speed up the construction of the forge and slitting mill at Great Falls and to increase the capacity of the Keep Triste operation. During the spring of the same year, Hobart noted that "the old furnace is again in labor" at Keep Triste.22 His comment suggests not only that the iron works at Keep Triste was growing but also that the partners first built a new furnace and then refurbished the old one.
Throughout the correspondence of Potts and Hobart, the men expressed their frustration over the lack of skilled labor in the Virginia area. Millwrights, masons, and founders appear to have been in short supply near Alexandria, Great Falls, and Harpers Ferry, for the men continually attempted to import materials and tools and to recruit workers from the Pennsylvania area. The boom in construction in the Federal City during the mid-1790's was probably the major cause of this shortage.23
The large investments required to develop these new industries plus the difficulty of taking care of Potts' needs from Philadelphia finally took their toll on Hobart. In February of 1795, he agreed to sell Potts his share of Keep Triste Furnace in exchange for 20,000 acres of land that Wilson and Potts had obtained near Clarksburg, West Virginia. Hobart may also have been motivated by the need to develop a promising copper mine in Pennsylvania. The exchange of property was completed by July of that year, although Hobart continued to supply his old partners for several years.24
During the summer of 1795, Potts' improvements at Great Falls and Keep Triste almost came to a standstill because there were not enough skilled workers to carry on the jobs. The appearance of yellow fever in Norfolk and the fear that it would sweep up the Potomac River seems to have been one factor in the labor shortage. Looking in Pennsylvania for workers to aid his ex-partner, Hobart wrote to Potts in October of that year that the man who was to travel south to put the new forge, furnace, and mills in order "positively declined and urged as an excuse that he heard it was sickly at this season of the year and that he could not get hands."25
Most of the correspondence relating to Keep Triste Furnace ceased when Hobart sold his portion of the operation. However, the Furnace seems to have been operable until it was sold to the United States in 1800,26 and the remaining owners may have taken on Col. Burgess Ball as a partner shortly after Hobart's withdrawal. The lack of skilled labor appears to have persisted throughout the last decade of the century, for Col. Ball was hampered in building a trip-hammer at Keep Triste because a competent manager could not be found.27
During the time that Potts, Wilson, North, and Hobart were operating Keep Triste Furnace, George Washington was actively engaged in improving navigation on the Potomac River and promoting the establishment of a national armory at Harper's Ferry. These events were to have significant effects on the local mining and smelting of iron ore and on other areas of the economy.
Washington was familiar with the Keep Triste Furnace, for he had surveyed several of the patents in the area for Lord Fairfax. He had also served as one of the arbitrators in the disputes between Semple and Ross & Company and visited the area in 1785 while he was inspecting the Potomac River. He was a friend of General Henry Lee (the former owner the Furnace Tract) and of William Wilson (one of the current owners of the furnace). Washington was also in close communication with Potts, the former being the first president of the Patowmack Company and the latter its first secretary. In addition, Washington was related to one of the lessees of the Furnace Tract, Col. Burgess Ball. Writing to Secretary of War Timothy Pickering in January of 1796, Washington recommended that 800 to 1,000 acres at the confluence of the Potomack and Shenandoah Rivers be purchased for the site of the armory and noted that "Six hundred acres of land adjoining this tract is ... offered for sale by Colo. Ball ...[who] has a lease on this tract.... The fee is in Genl. Henry Lee who I have no doubt will dispose of his right on very reasonable terms." Richard Henderson also contacted Washington, offering the property at Antietam Creek as the site for the armory. Henderson's offer was misplaced by the acting Secretary of War and not considered. Three years later, in September 1799, Washington suggested that Col. Thomas Parker establish winter quarters for his troops near the armory site and mentioned that "The Land of Keep Triste Furnace, and others belonging to General Lee, are adjoining."28
On May 8, 1800, the United States purchased from Henry Lee "all the iron ore in a certain tract of land situate in the County of Berkley in the said Commonwealth adjoining the River Potomack near to the Keep Triste Furnace containing about sixteen hundred acres in which is a bank of iron ore known by the name of Friend's ore bank..." The 221-acre tract containing the furnace was acquired from Wilson, Potts, North, and Hobart during the following month.29
By the close of the eighteenth century, the large estates owned by speculators like Semple and Lee had been broken up and resold. During the same period, many of the original land grants were subdivided because the grantors died and divided their estates among their children. Samuel Taylor's [1] estate was divided among his children in 1781, George Adam Moler's [1] in 1783, John Carney's in 1786, and John Taylor's [2] in 1792.30 Some of these lands were worked jointly by family members, who shared manpower and equipment during planting and harvesting.
Other lands were further subdivided as grantors' children passed on their inheritance, and many of these parcels ceased to be owned by family members during this period. Several of William Stroop's children had died by this time, and the parcel containing the grist mill became the property of Frederick Sly in 1789. To the north, Carney's heirs had sold part of their property on the Potomac River to Henry Orendorff; this included the northern third of the original Friend grant. John Rourer acquired the Friend-Carney tract in 1795 and was probably responsible for developing the stone quarry and building a grist mill at this site, which would later become the property of Samuel Knott [1].31
Isaac Strider [1] was one of the new investors that emerged from the period of land speculation with substantial holdings and a large, powerful family. Strider began acquiring land on the Potomac River near Knott's Island, including parts of the Barnes, Garrison, and Taylor Patents in 1777.32 The approximately 300 acres he bought at this time appear to include the sites of what would later become Hoffman's Mill and the Cement Mill. Three years later, he began to buy land at the opposite end of the Bakerton area, including 460 acres from Robert Harper,33 and during the next decade, he purchased more land north of his Harper property.
Isaac Strider's [1] selection of property appears to have been guided by a wish to acquire water power, for virtually every piece of land he bought was located on a river, spring, or branch. In 1791, he made a decision to focus his energies on the Harper's Ferry area and take advantage of the growing needs of the Armory. Most of his land near Knott's Island was sold at this time.34 When Isaac Strider died in January 1794, his substantial holdings passed to his eight sons. In addition, two of his daughters had married into the Keys and Hall families. During the early nineteenth century, his children and grandchildren continued to amass land and power in the Harper's Ferry area, and they significantly affected the relationship between Harper's Ferry and eastern Jefferson County.
In general, the breakup of the large estates held by speculators and the original grantors was probably beneficial to the agricultural economy of the area, for it allowed lands that were not being used to be cleared and cultivated. The Bakerton area began the nineteenth century with a growing agricultural population, several mills, an operational iron mine and furnace, and at least one stone quarry. The Patowmack Company's locks at Great Falls were soon to be opened, providing local residents with cheaper and easier access to the tidewater area. In addition, eastern Jefferson County was a potential supplier for many of the materials needed by the Armory at Harper's Ferry. Washington's dream of utilizing the local resources to support the National Armory seemed about to be realized.
Notes
1. Rice, p. 85.
2. Winfield Engle, The Melchor Engle Family History and Genealogy (Lima, Ohio, 1940), pp. 30-31; Danske Dandridge, Historic Shepherdstown (1910), reprinted, (Shepherdstown, W. Va.: The Specialty Binding & Printing Co., 1985), pp. 298-359.
Philip Engle was with General Gates at the Battle of Camden, South Carolina; Michael Engle was a private in Captain Hugh Stephenson's Company of Virginia Riflemen and died aboard a prison ship. William Engle (who died in 1776) and John Engle both served in Captain William Darke's Company. Adam Moler was a private. Capt. Francis Duke was killed defending Fort Henry in 1777, and George Duke was killed at the Battle of Brandywine. According to Dandridge, Matthew Duke served as a substitute for Daniel Hendricks. William Donnelly was taken prisoner at Fort Washington and died in captivity in 1777. See Christine Bergen Papers, 3:74-77, Berkeley County, W.Va., Court House. Notes by Mrs. Frank Buckles, Gap View Farm, Charles Town, W.Va.; Ross B. Johnston (ed.), West Virginians in the American Revolution (Parkersburg, W.Va.: West Augusta Historical and Genealogical Society), p. 175.
3. McMaster and Skaggs, "Letterbooks of Alexander Hamilton," 62:138-139, 148-150.
4. John Ritchie to John Buchanan, January 1, 1804, in Chancery Records, October Term 1800, vol. 46, pp. 217-219, Annapolis, Md., Hall of Records.
5. John Ritchie to John Buchanan, January 1, 1804.
6. Robert D. Arbuckle, Pennsylvania Speculator and Patriot: The Entrepreneurial John Nicholson, 1757-1800 (University Park: Penn. State Univ. Press, 1975), pp. 2, 20.
7. Rice, pp. 134-136. Charles Royster, Light-Horse Harry Lee and the Legacy of the American Revolution (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1981), pp. 70-71. Lee was a business associate of John Nicholson, a speculator and builder in the Federal City who was imprisoned for debt. Lee was also jailed for debt in 1809 as a result of his land investments.
8. Deed Book 10, pp. 187-190, Martinsburg, W. Va. See David C. Skaggs, "John Semple and the Development of the Potomac Valley," pp. 299-302.
9. Bacon-Foster, Early Chapters in the Development of the Potomac Route to the West, pp. 30, 57, 59.
10. John Potts, Jr., to Robert E. Hobart, April 29, 1789, Potts Papers, Hagley Library, Wilmington, Del. Unless otherwise indicated, all correspondence cited between John Potts, George North, Henry Lee, and Robert E. Hobart is from this source.
11. Articles of agreement between John Potts, Jr., William Wilson, and Henry Lee, December 19, 1788, Potts Papers; Deed Book 3, pp. 286-288, Charles Town, W. Va.
12. Articles of agreement between Potts, Wilson, and Lee, December 19, 1788. The location of two furnaces at Keep Triste would help explain the ambiguous and often conflicting references to this site on nineteenth century maps.
13. Deed Book 10, pp. 174-176, Martinsburg, W. Va. Charles W. Snell, The Acquisition and Disposal of Public Lands of the U.S. Armory at Harper's Ferry, West Virginia: 1796-1885, 2 vols. (Denver, Colo.: National Park Service, U.S. Department of Interior, December 1979), 2:107-119 (Final Draft). Lee acquired an additional 397 acres west of Friend's Orebank in November 1791; Deed Book 10, pp. 174-176, Deed Book 14 (lost), p. 357, and List of Lost Deeds Re-Recorded, Vol. 1, pp. 87-88, Martinsburg, W.Va.; Potts to Hobart, November 3, 1792. Deed Book 4, pp. 335-338, Charles Town, W. Va.
14. North to Hobart, July 20, 1790, October 6, 1790, and October 25, 1790; Francis Warrant to George North, November 10, 1790.
15. North to Warrant, April 1, 1791; Potts to Hobart, March 2, 1792. North's order of supplies in April 1792 included 23 pounds of steel, 85 pairs of shoes, 6 mine riddles, and stove patterns.
16. Potts to Hobart, November 3, 1792.
17. Memorandum, January 1, 1793, Potts Papers, Hagley Library, Wilmington, Del.
18. Memorandum, January 1, 1794, Potts Papers, Hagley Library, Wilmington, Del.; Bacon-Foster, Early Chapters in the Development of the Potomac Route to the West, pp. 64, 81. Pig iron from Keep Triste Furnace probably supplied the partners' forge at Great Falls. See C. Troup, A. Barnes, and N. Barka, The Potts and Wilson Iron Forge/Foundry, pp. 2-13.
19. Potts to Hobart, March 3, 1794.
20. Potts to Hobart, April 26, 1795.
21. Potts to Hobart, March 25, 1794.
22. Potts to Hobart, April 7, 1794; Hobart to Potts, April 21, 1794; Hobart to Potts, June 27, 1794.
23. Arbuckle, pp. 121, 127-130.
24. Hobart to Potts, February 25, 1795, and April 19, 1795. Memorandum of agreement between Potts and Hobart, July 9, 1795. Potts was also unable to find a suitable locksmith and a person capable of making tile molds in Alexandria.
25. Potts to Hobart, September 24, 1795; Hobart to Potts, October 1, 1795. Little specific information exists on local health conditions during the period. However, area residents probably fell victim to all of the diseases that scourged the middle and southern colonies, including malaria, dysentery, typhoid, and smallpox. See John Duffy, Epidemics in Colonial America (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State Univ. Press, 1971), pp. 69, 89, 99, 161, 204, 208, 214, 222, 227.
26. Snell, Acquisition and Disposal, 2:107-109, 111-119. The 1,600 acres to which Lee referred was probably the land he acquired from the auction of the Semple estate.
27. Fitzpatrick (ed.), Writings of George Washington, 33:431- 433, 462.
28. Fitzpatrick (ed.), Diaries of George Washington, 1:378, 388, 393; 2:5, 12, 398-401. McMasters and Skaggs, "Letterbooks of Alexander Hamilton," 63:50. Fitzpatrick (ed.), Writings of George Washington, 34:432; 37:378-381.
29. Snell, Acquisition and Disposal, 2:107-109, 111-119.
30. Will Book 1, pp. 352, 411-412, 415 and Will Book 2, pp. 163-165, Martinsburg, W. Va.
31. Deed Book 10, pp. 53-55 and Deed Book 13, p. 16, Martinsburg, W. Va.
32. Deed Book 4, pp. 176-177, Martinsburg, W. Va.
33. Deed Book 5, pp. 531-533, Martinsburg, W. Va.
34. Deed Books 10 (pp. 61-62) and 12 (pp. 22-23) and Will Book 2 (p. 226), Martinsburg, W. Va.
IX. THE ARMORY AND THE LOCAL ECONOMY (1800-1835)